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bennettrich says...

The Congressional Transparency Initiative is a great program trying to make government more open and accountable. I consider myself an Independent, and I hope that increasing transparency in Congress is something that both Democrats and Republicans can support.

Their beliefs:
- Read the bill
- Ban "Phantom Amendments"
- Show the votes
- Open health care negotiations to the public
- Bring sunlight to the Rules Committee

What do you think?

Filed under: John Boehner

Stephen says...

From Karl Rove, former Senior Advisor to President George W. Bush

President Barack Obama and his West Wing lieutenants are playing on the world's largest stage, yet act as if no one is watching them when they contradict their campaign promises. That behavior is unwittingly giving the Republicans an opening.

For example, Team Obama thinks the president, having spent a good portion of the campaign decrying the $2.9 trillion in deficits during the Bush years, can now double the national debt held by the public in 10 years. Having condemned earmarks during the campaign, the Obama administration now believes it can wave through 8,500 of them in the omnibus-spending bill, part of the biggest spending increase since World War II.

With the Dow at 7,486 and unemployment at 8.1%, Mr. Obama says the economy is fundamentally sound. Does he suppose the nation won't recall him attacking John McCain last September for saying the same thing, when the Dow was at 11,000 and unemployment at 6.2%?

Candidate Obama vowed to end "the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics." Yet his administration geared up MoveOn.org to lead a left-wing coalition to pressure Republicans and centrist Democrats, organized a daily conference call to coordinate liberal attack dogs, and strategized with Americans United for Change on ads depicting the GOP as the party of "no."

Rather than working with Republicans on the budget, the administration attacked them as mindless obstructionists. Yet the administration's policies are not nearly as popular as one might suppose.

For example, the liberal Center for American Progress recently found that 61% of Americans say government spending is almost always wasteful and inefficient, and 57% think free market solutions are better than government at creating jobs and economic growth. A late February poll by NBC News/Wall Street Journal found that 61% were concerned "the federal government will spend too much money" and "drive up the budget deficit" versus 29% concerned the government "will spend too little."

These general attitudes translate into opposition to specific policy initiatives. For example, CBS found support for the stimulus bill falling to 51% in February from 63% in January. Meanwhile, opposition to more money to bail out banks rose to 53% in March from 44% in February.

This, in turn, is affecting Mr. Obama's job approval ratings, already just average for a new president. Last week's Pew poll showed Mr. Obama's approval at 59% with 26% disapproval, down from February's 64% approval and 17% disapproval. His standing on the economy is also falling: Newsweek found in January that 71% were confident Mr. Obama would be able to turn around the economy, while 26% were not. By March, his ratings had fallen to 65% confident, 33% not.

Republicans sense the opportunity. The House GOP leadership deputized the top Budget Committee Republican, Paul Ryan of Wisconsin, to prepare an alternative budget. The GOP budget won't raise taxes, gets spending and debt under control, and will result in a stronger economy with more jobs. House Republicans plan a major selling effort back home during the coming recess. Minority Leader John Boehner is already up on YouTube extolling the plan.

Senate Republicans will not prepare a complete alternative, but they will offer a robust package of amendments, with a wave of proposals for each of the three weeks the upper chamber will devote to the budget. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and Republican Conference Chairman Lamar Alexander foreshadowed the GOP's theme by saying the Democratic budget taxes, spends and borrows too much.

Sen. Alexander is also working with Sen. Judd Gregg, the ranking Budget Committee Republican, on a statement of budget principles that sharpens the contrast between the two parties' approaches to America's economic future.

The GOP's challenge is winning attention for its vision. True, its megaphone isn't nearly as big as those of the White House and the Congressional Democratic majorities, and Mr. Obama still has the upper hand. Yet by discarding so much of what people found appealing in him, Mr. Obama may change that.

Every president eventually depletes his political capital. Some have done so advancing great, difficult causes. Others squander it because of missteps, and what the public views as breaches of faith. Having been president for all of eight weeks, Mr. Obama retains much residual goodwill and could still change course on the budget to reach across the aisle. But his current strategy has made him weaker than he was and weaker than he needs to be. It's turning into a costly two months for America's 44th president.

Source.

Filed under: John Boehner

Stephen says...

Paul Krugman is in his element. The Nobel Prize-winning economist in December put out an updated edition of The Return of Depression Economics, his prescient study from 1999 in which he laid out the risks to nations when recessions spiral into long-term malaise.

Timely reading, indeed, and worth picking up. Krugman was kind enough to expand upon his thoughts regarding President Obama's stimulus package and what changes may be in store for the U.S. and world economies in coming years in an e-mail exchange with Barrons.com.

Barrons.com: What's the stupidest thing you've heard said about the current economic crisis and how to solve it? What's the smartest?

Paul Krugman: The stupidest is a very tough competition; I tend to think of whichever mind-numbingly stupid thing I've just heard, like [U.S. House of Representatives] Minority Leader [John] Boehner's statement that we shouldn't "reward" Fannie and Freddie by increasing their resources (he apparently doesn't understand the meaning of "government owned.") But I guess the statements from many players that the Obama plan is a spending bill, not a stimulus bill -- when spending is the whole point -- top the list.

The smartest thing probably comes from Richard Koo, [chief economist for Japan's Nomura Research Institute, part of Nomura Securities] who was one of the first to point out that this isn't just a housing crisis, or even a banking crisis -- it's a balance sheet crisis.

Barrons.com: You've written that the gap between the economy's potential shortfall in production over the next three years -- $2.9 trillion -- and the $800 billion in economic stimulus is a big problem. Why does this gap between production and bailout matter so much?

Krugman: My big concern here is that the economy digs itself into a deflationary hole, which is what can all too easily happen if you have a large, sustained output gap. Once prices start falling, and people start to expect continuing deflation, the balance sheet problems will become much worse than they already are, and much harder to resolve. Watching that happen in Japan is what led me to write the original, 1999 version of The Return of Depression Economics, and now the same thing is all too possible here.

Barrons.com: What's a worst-case scenario if this stimulus fails to kick-start a recovery, as you've argued?

Krugman: A lost decade or more. I don't think, even now, that we're headed for 20+ percent unemployment, Depression-style. But I can see a strong possibility of an economic and political trap: low investment and high savings thanks to deflation and a depressed economy, with effective government action blocked by a combination of concerns about debt and the widespread belief that we tried stimulus and it didn't work.

Barrons.com: Will the $80 billion in aid to holders of underwater mortgages make a material difference?

Krugman: It depends on the meaning of the word "material." It will help millions of families, and somewhat reduce the financial system's losses. It won't revive the housing market, nor will it end the banks' problems.

Barrons.com: Will we ever become a nation of savers again?

Krugman: Actually, we ARE becoming a nation of savers again -- which is part of the reason GDP is plunging. I think the asset wipeout will have a long-term impact on consumer behavior; remember, we had a 9% savings rate as recently as the 80s.

Barrons.com: There's been a dramatic collapse in asset values in the stock market, as measured by the decline in the P/E of the S&P 500. Do you think asset values will bounce back with an economic recovery, or has there been some fundamental long-term shift in asset values that will linger even after recovery?

Krugman: Believe it or not, housing prices are still above-normal, as measured either by the price-rent ratio or the price-income ratio. So housing prices won't bounce back. As for stocks, when I take [Yale University economist] Bob Shiller's data, which give prices relative to a long trailing average of profits, and update, I get a P/E right now of about 13, not so far from historical norms. So it's not clear how much bounceback we can count on, if any. Maybe the bull market was the aberration.

Barrons.com: You've advocated a stimulus for the U.S. along the lines of the Public Works project during the Depression. Assuming such a thing could produce another economic boom, what are the downside risks to a massive infusion of public money?

Krugman: Well, large-scale government borrowing does pose long-term fiscal risks; the U.S. has substantial room for additional borrowing, but it's not unlimited. Aside from that, I don't see big risks.

Barrons.com: One of the themes you explore in your writing is the notion that world economic relationships can change over the course of decades (e.g., from globalism to nationalism to globalism). What are a couple of the biggest economic changes you see playing out over the next ten years, and what might be their social impact in the U.S. and abroad?

Krugman: I think we're heading for a new regime of financial regulation, which might significantly reduce financial globalization, for both good reasons and bad: the good reason is that a lot of what looked like globalization was actually regulatory arbitrage, the bad reason is that governments that are bailing out financial system will tend to insist that the benefits stay at home. I don't think this will affect most Americans' lives much; but a lot of the highest incomes have come from finance, and the Masters of the Universe will definitely end up less masterful.

We're also, I think, going to see some significant reindustrialization, because the conveyor belt moving Chinese and other funds to America will be slowed if not shut down. This will mean a greater reliance on domestic production.

Mainly, though, how society changes will depend on the political response -- whether this really ends up being a new New Deal or just a slight course correction.

Barrons.com: What great books have you read recently that you can recommend?

Krugman: I just reread a good part of John Maynard Keynes's Essays in Persuasion, especially "The Great Slump of 1930," which is awesomely relevant right now. And while it has nothing much to do with the crisis, I'd highly recommend Dan Koeppel's Banana: The Fate of the Fruit that Changed the World, which tells you a lot about the history of globalization along the way.

Source. Subscribe to Barron's.

Filed under: John Boehner

Stephen says...

From Karl Rove, former Senior Advisor to President George W. Bush

Congressional Republicans lack President Barack Obama's bully pulpit and do not have the majorities that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid enjoy. But they are playing their hand extraordinarily well.

Over the past month, House Republicans have used the stimulus bill to redefine their party, present ideas on how to revive the economy, and force congressional Democrats and the president to take ownership of the spending programs soon to be signed into law.

The first smart move House Republicans made was to raise objections to specific parts of the House stimulus bill. Pointing out that there is money in the bill for condoms, livestock insurance, refurbishing the National Mall, and other outlandish things revealed that it is a massive spending spree, not an economic stimulus.

House Republicans had the wisdom to continue to talk to the Obama White House. This made them look gracious, even as the president edged toward a "my way or the highway" attitude.

They also wisely put ideas on the table, such as cutting the bottom two income tax rates and small-business taxes while extending unemployment insurance and other safety-net provisions. With these proposals, Republicans generated news and made it possible for their members to be for something that made sense to their voters.

It also helped that the same methodology that the White House used to claim that the Democratic stimulus bill would create four million new jobs showed that the Republican approach would create six million new jobs, at half the cost.

The payoff is that support for the stimulus bill is falling. CBS News polling reveals a 12-point drop in support of the bill over the past month. Pew Research and Rasmussen have turned in similar numbers. The more Americans learn about the bill, the less they like it.

What is becoming clear is that the House GOP is becoming energized by empowering its "Young Guns." Leader John Boehner has been good. But he wouldn't be as effective if he didn't have the help of Reps. Eric Cantor, the No. 2 House Republican, and Mike Pence, the House GOP conference chairman. Reps. Paul Ryan and Dave Camp, the top Republicans on the Budget and the Ways and Means committees, are impressive and add depth to the leadership team.

Over in the Senate, Republicans have likewise followed a "better ideas" strategy. Mitch McConnell pushed to make aid to states loans, not grants, and to cut income taxes for the middle class. Other Republican senators came in with ideas to fix housing, put money in the hands of taxpayers, and cut fat from the stimulus.

They also asked the Congressional Budget Office if the Democratic Senate bill was actually stimulative. The nonpartisan CBO found it would have a "negligible" impact on jobs by 2011 and hurt economic growth and prosperity over the next decade.

Mr. Obama will get his bill. But it won't be one focused on job creation and stimulus. The bill he signs will create a raft of new programs and be the biggest peacetime spending increase in American history, which will give us larger deficits and create pressure to raise taxes. It will also hinder the president's other goals, such as expanding government health care.

But if Republicans predict economic doom, they will overplay their hand. The Democratic stimulus will slow recovery, but not stop it. Recessions don't last forever and, if history is a guide, sometime late this year or early next the economy will rebound on its own. When that happens, Democrats will argue that their untargeted, permanent spending actually revived the economy.

Americans are skeptical of the notion that increasing the size and cost of government will lead to an increase in jobs and economic growth. A recent CBS News poll, for example, shows that 62% of Americans think "reducing taxes" will "do more to get the U.S. out of the current recession" -- nearly three times the 22% who prefer "increasing government spending."

A recent NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll found that 60% of Americans are worried that government will "spend too much" to boost the economy. Only 33% worry it will spend "too little."

The debate here is about means, not ends. Americans and both parties want a revived economy. Republicans want focused proposals that create jobs and growth, while the White House seems ready to accept what House and Senate appropriators have drawn up.

Mr. Obama, for all his talents, has already re-energized the GOP and sparked a spending debate that will last for years. The president won this legislative battle, but at a high price -- fiscally and politically.

Mr. Rove is the former senior adviser and deputy chief of staff to President George W. Bush. Karl writes a weekly op-ed for The Wall Street Journal, is a Newsweek columnist and is now writing a book to be published by Simon & Schuster. Visit Mr. Rove on the web at Rove.com.

Source.

Filed under: John Boehner